========================================================= ACTION UKRAINE REPORT - AUR An International Newsletter, The Latest, Up-To-Date In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis and Commentary Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion, Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World DRAFT TEXT OF DECLARATION OF NATIONAL UNITY ACTION UKRAINE REPORT - AUR - NUMBER 741 Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor PUBLISHED IN WASHINGTON, D.C., MONDAY, JULY 31, 2006 Help Build the Worldwide Action Ukraine Network Send the AUR to your colleagues and friends, urge them to sign up. Some news services do not publish in August, not the AUR. -------- INDEX OF ARTICLES -------- Clicking on the title of any article takes you directly to the article. Return to the Index by clicking on Return to Index at the end of each article 1. DRAFT TEXT OF DECLARATION OF NATIONAL UNITY Ukrayinska Pravda website, Kiev, in Ukrainian 27 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sat, Jul 29, 2006 2. PRESIDENTIAL SECRETARIAT SAYS WORKING GROUP REACHES AGREEMENT ON MOST PROVISIONS IN DECLARATION Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Sunday, July 30, 2006 3. UKRAINE: IVAN VASYUNYK OF PRESIDENT'S STAFF NAMES FOUR STUMBLING BLOCKS TO SIGNING UNITY DECLARATION Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian 1437 gmt 29 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sat, Jul 29, 2006 4. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT'S CHIEF OF STAFF OLEH RYBACHUK PLAYS DOWN LACK OF PROGRESS IN CRISIS TALKS TV 5 Kanal, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1710 gmt 30 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sunday, Jul 30, 2006 5. REGIONS PARTY DOES NOT ACCEPT 'OUR UKRAINE' BLOCS POSITIONS IN NATIONAL UNITY COALITION TALKS Ukrainian News Agency, Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday, July 30, 2006 6. UKRAINE'S PRO-RUSSIAN PARTY OF REGIONS REJECTS "BLACKMAIL, THREATS" DURING CRISIS TALKS One Plus One TV, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1630 gmt 29 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Saturday, July 29, 2006 7. PARTY OF REGIONS OFFICIAL TARAS CHORNOVIL SAYS PARTY IS READY TO UNITE WITH THE SOCIALIST AND COMMUNISTS IN CASE OF A NEW EARLY PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Sunday, July 30, 2006 8. UKRAINIAN PRIME MINISTER YURI YEKHANUROV SAID ROUND- TABLE TALKS 'COMPLICATED' NO COMPROMISE ON FOUR ISSUES Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian 0834 gmt 29 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Saturday, Jul 29, 2006 9. LEADER OF PARTY OF REGIONS YANUKOVYCH MEETS WITH A TOP U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE OFFICIAL DAVID KRAMER Kramer also meets with Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1219 gmt 28 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Friday, Jul 28, 2006 10. ALL-UKRAINIAN 'ROUND-TABLE' A POTEMKIN VILLAGE CREATED BY PRES YUSHCHENKO FOR U.S. AMBASSADOR Regnum, Moscow, Russia, Friday, July 28, 2006 11. UKRAINIAN INTERIOR MINISTER LUTSENKO WILL NOT WORK IN A CABINET CHAIRED BY VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH I am against candidacy of Yanukovych, who will never unite Ukrainian society. INTERVIEW: With Ukrainian Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko By Ivan Leonov, Ukrayina Moloda, Kiev, in Ukrainian 28 Jul 06, p 4, 5 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Saturday, Jul 29, 2006 12. THE MANY CHOICES OF YUSHCHENKO ANALYSIS & COMMENTARY: by Tammy Lynch, Boston Ukrayinska Pravda website, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, July 24, 2006 13. YUSHCHENKO PREFERS AKHMETOV TO YANUKOVYCH ANALYSIS & COMMENTARY: By Viktor Chivokunya Ukrayinska Pravda website, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wednesday, July 26, 2006 14. "YURIY KRAVCHENKO - SUICIDE RULED OUT" Suicide verdict in death of former Ukrainian Interior Minister questioned "We do not trust our law-enforcement agencies and we are afraid of them. This situation suited the old administration and, clearly, suits the present one, too." ANALYSIS & COMMENTARY: By Oleksandra Prymachenko Zerkalo Nedeli, Kiev, Ukraine, in Russian 29 Jul 06, p 2 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sunday, Jul 30, 2006 15. CARTE BLANCHE FOR VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO ANALYSIS & COMMENTARY: By Viktor Chivokunya Ukrayinska Pravda website in Ukrainian, Kyiv, Ukraine, Mon, Jul 24, 2006 16. RUSSIANS REFUSE TO RAISE UKRAINIAN FLAGS ON SHIPS DURING RUSSIAN NAVY DAY CELEBRATIONS IN CRIMEA Ukrainian TV critical of Russian Navy Day festivities in Crimea One Plus One TV, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1730 gmt 30 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sunday, Jul 30, 2006 17. MILITARY SERVICE FOR GRADUATES OF HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS IN UKRAINE NOT REQUIRED AFTER 2010 UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1439 gmt 28 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Friday, Jul 28, 2006 18. POLISH PRESIDENT APPOINTS POLISH-UKRAINIAN COMMITTEE Sister committee to be appointed on the Ukrainian side PAP news agency, Warsaw, in Polish 2120 gmt 28 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Friday, July 28, 2006 19. COUNCIL OF EUROPE OFFICIAL URGES MOLDOVA TO IMPROVE RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA He described the situation in Ukraine as not the most favourable Infotag news agency, Chisinau, in Russian 0935 gmt 28 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Friday, Jul 28, 2006 20. UKRAINE: RELATIONS WITH THE WEST ON 'PAUSE' INTERVIEW: With Prof. Robert Legvold Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) Prague, Czech Republic, Friday, July 28, 2006 Action Ukraine Report (AUR) #741, Article 21 Washington, D.C., Monday, July 31, 2006 22. JACQUES HNIZDOVSKY AT UKRAINIAN MUSEUM IN NYC Acclaimed Ukrainian painter and printmaker (1915-1985) ArtDaily.com, USA, Sunday, July 23, 2006 23. POLEMICS: MYKOLA RIABCHUK REPLY TO MS TARANEC LETTER-TO-THE-EDITOR: By Mykola Riabchuk Action Ukraine Report (AUR) #741, Article 23 Washington, D.C., Monday, July 31, 2006 24. WORLD FORUM OF UKRAINIANS TO FOCUS ON UNITED NATIONS RECOGNITION OF 1932-1933 FAMINE IN UKRAINE AS GENOCIDE AGAINST UKRAINIAN PEOPLE UNIAN, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, July 17, 2006 25. UKRAINE 3000 CHARITABLE FOUNDATION LAUNCHES WEBSITE Action Ukraine Report (AUR) #741, Article 25 Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, July 31, 2006 ======================================================== 1 . DRAFT TEXT OF DECLARATION OF NATIONAL UNITY Ukrayinska Pravda website, Kiev, in Ukrainian 27 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sat, Jul 29, 2006 The Ukrayinska Pravda web site has published the draft text of the declaration of national unity that President Viktor Yushchenko presented to participants in the round table that began on 27 July. The talks, which are aimed at ending the political deadlock, are attended by Prime Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov, parliament speaker Oleksandr Moroz, the leaders of parliamentary factions, and a number of public figures. The following is an excerpt from the report by Ukrainian Ukrayinska Pravda website on 27 July; subheadings as published: The text of the draft declaration of national unity that President Yushchenko proposed to the round table participants. The final version, which is to be signed by political leaders, is to be agreed by a working group on Friday [28 July]. DECLARATION [UNIVERSAL] OF NATIONAL UNITY Being conscious of [our] responsibility to the Ukrainian people and the exceptional nature of the current political situation, Respecting the will of the people expressed in an honest and democratic manner in the election to the Supreme Council of Ukraine [parliament] on 26 March 2006, Wishing to resolve the political problems that have arisen in the Supreme Council of Ukraine in a considered and responsible manner, Wishing to bring about a general national reconciliation, which we believe to be the key to Ukraine's future and an instrument for resolving our society's current problems, Introducing the tradition of national political and social dialogue for resolving the inherited and acquired problems in the life of the state, Attesting that the core of the people's consolidation is the unconditional observance of the principles of democracy and respect for human rights and freedoms, social justice and Ukraine's European choice, Confirming that Ukraine's foreign policy course is unchanged and irreversible, and with the purpose of enhancing its international authority, And unswervingly guided in acts and deeds by Ukraine's national interests, We, representatives of the political forces in parliament, declare those principles that manifest our common political will to join forces for the good of Ukraine and its citizens. In order to realize such priorities of national development as the high quality of life of citizens, a competitive and knowledge-based economy, effective and just authorities, a state that is respected in the world and integrated into global processes, we agree to the priority execution of A Plan of Action of National Unity: 1. To preserve Ukraine as a unitary and united state. 2. To continue and improve constitutional reforms, to create a balanced system of "checks and balances" between the president of Ukraine, the Supreme Council of Ukraine and the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, and to re-establish a functional Constitutional Court of Ukraine. 3. To bring the decisions of all bodies of state power and local self-government into line with the Constitution of Ukraine. 4. To create the political and judicial conditions for the unimpeded activity of the opposition in elective bodies of power at all levels. 5. To reform executive power structures and to render impossible the politicization of state service through the priority adoption of the laws of Ukraine "On the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine" and "On State Service" (new edition), prepared and submitted by the president of Ukraine. 6. To continue reform of the courts in accordance with the approved conception for improvement of the judiciary for the consolidation of just courts in Ukraine. 7. To reform the system of law enforcement bodies to European standards, to bring criminal law and criminal justice into line with the standards and recommendations of Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, the European Union, and the rulings of the European Court of Human Rights. 8. To stimulate the development of local self-government by ensuring its financial means and the reform of the administrative-territorial order. To reject federalism in favour of decentralization. 9. To tame corruption at all levels of power, in particular, by supporting the president's legislative initiatives in this area. 10. To ensure the status of Ukrainian as the single state language and the language of official communication of power bodies, while simultaneously guaranteeing the rights of the languages of national minorities in line with the European Charter. 11. To develop the culture and restore the spiritual life of the multiethnic Ukrainian people, to ensure the integrity of the linguistic-cultural sphere. 12. To observe the freedom of religion. To support efforts to form a single national Ukrainian Orthodox church. 13. To improve the welfare of Ukrainian citizens, to overcome poverty through effective and targeted social security and just pension provision. 14. To form a middle class by increasing the accessibility of higher education and transforming public incomes policy, to guarantee decent wages, to develop entrepreneurship and stimulate job creation. 15. To campaign for a healthy lifestyle, to redirect the health care system towards the patient, and found a National Centre for Fighting Tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS, a National Heart Centre, a National Cancer Centre, a Nationwide Centre for Mother and Child Health Care. 16. To achieve an annual rate of GDP growth of at least 5 per cent with inflation no more than 10 per cent, to stimulate the creation of at least 1m jobs a year. 17. To conduct tax reform, that includes, in particular, introduction of a real estate tax and a single social deduction from payroll. 18. To increase the effectiveness of natural resource use, especially fuels, to introduce energy saving technologies. 19. To make agriculture more efficient by putting land into economic circulation. 20. To provide state guarantees of the inviolability of property rights. 21. To raise the effectiveness of utilities through the creation of competition in the housing and utilities sector. 22. To urgently adopt the amendments to legislation required for Ukraine's WTO entry and to join this organization by the end of 2006. 23. To implement unswervingly the Ukraine-EU action plan, to urgently start talks on creation of a free-trade zone between Ukraine and the EU, and to join a NATO Membership Action Plan. 24. To establish effective economic partnership with all Ukraine's interested foreign partners, guided by interests of mutual advantage. We, the undersigned, are convinced that the implementation of the priorities described should become the decisive criteria for the formation and activity of the coalition and the system of power as a whole, whose activity will be founded on new mechanisms of public-political cooperation, in particular: 1. To develop and introduce regular procedures for public consultation on important issues of social development and state building, with the inclusion in the dialogue of, in particular, non-parliamentary political forces, public associations and other participants in the social-political process. 2. To form effective mechanisms for social control over the authorities' activity, ensuring the transparency and accountability of state management bodies and local self-government bodies. 3. To ensure that the activity of power bodies conforms to Ukraine's national interests, strategic development priorities, the interests of particular communities and citizens, by means, in particular, of the participation of political parties and public forces in improving the effectiveness of the state's personnel policy. We are convinced that the implementation of the principles of this declaration, which will provide the basis for the majority coalition agreement, are possible only if a coalition of national unity is formed in the Supreme Council of Ukraine of the 5th convocation [current parliament], and we support such a step. [Passage omitted: the list of round table participants] ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 2. PRESIDENTIAL SECRETARIAT SAYS WORKING GROUP REACHES AGREEMENT ON MOST PROVISIONS IN DECLARATION Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Sunday, July 30, 2006 KIEV - The presidential secretariat says that the working group has reached agreements on most provisions in the National Unity Declaration. Ukrainian News has learned this from the president's press service. According to the message, during the talks, the sides agreed on most priority questions concerning the state development. Implementation of the state policy in regards to [1] languages, [2] preservation, integrity and unity of Ukraine, as well as the [3] country's integration with Europe and the [4] Common Economic Area, are among questions that need further discussions. As Ukrainian News earlier reported, Verkhovna Rada Chairman Oleksandr Moroz claimed that the working group on the wording of the National Unity Declaration included a paragraph in the draft document that Ukraine may join NATO only after a relevant national referendum. The working group on the wording of the National Unity Declaration comprised Regions Party MPs Mykola Azarov, Olena Lukash, Our Ukraine bloc MPs Petro Poroshenko, Roman Zvarych, Socialist Party faction MPs Vasyl Tsushko, Yaroslav Mendus, and Communist Party MP Leonid Hrach. The presidential secretariat delegated Ivan Vasiunik, the first deputy head of the presidential secretariat, Mykola Poludionnyi, the head of the chief service for legal policy of the presidential secretariat, Ihor Koliushko, the head of the chief service for institutional development of the presidential secretariat, and Zhanna Doktorova, the head of the chief state legal service. -30- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ [return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 3. UKRAINE: IVAN VASYUNYK OF PRESIDENT'S STAFF NAMES FOUR STUMBLING BLOCKS TO SIGNING UNITY DECLARATION Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian 1437 gmt 29 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sat, Jul 29, 2006 KIEV - In the talks on signing the declaration of national unity, the political formulation of tasks concerning [1] language, [2] the unity of Ukraine, [3] European and Euro-Atlantic integration, as well as [4] future activity within the Single Economic Space [with Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan] require additional discussion, the first deputy head of the presidential secretariat, Ivan Vasyunyk, said on Saturday [29 July]. He said that during the talks, they kept to President Viktor Yushchenko's firm line on refusing to change the country's domestic and foreign policy course. "The president confirms his consistent position on the need for a consolidation of the country's responsible political forces, the rejection of far-fetched political aims that don't have a future, and the achievement of a consensus on the resolution of the issues that artificially divide society, that involve guarantees of state security and ensuring the welfare and security of citizens," the president's press service quotes Vasyunyk as saying. The press service also reported that the presidential secretariat would be working on Saturday, 29 July, and Sunday, 30 July. -30- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ [ return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 4. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT'S CHIEF OF STAFF OLEH RYBACHUK PLAYS DOWN LACK OF PROGRESS IN CRISIS TALKS TV 5 Kanal, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1710 gmt 30 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sunday, Jul 30, 2006 Oleh Rybachuk, the head of Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko's secretariat, has played down the lack of progress in crisis talks between the president and parliamentary faction leaders. In a live interview with private TV 5 Kanal on 30 July, Rybachuk praised negotiators' attitude to the talks and said they were set to continue on Monday 31 July. "Tomorrow morning, the president expects results of negotiations in working groups and a continuation of the round table's work, in particular the approval of the declaration (of national unity)," Rybachuk said. "Practically all parties have agreed with the spirit and letter of the declaration." Rybachuk said he "would have been surprised if the Party of Regions had signed the declaration so quickly". He said the declaration does not necessarily have to be signed by all five major parties involved in the talks - the pro-Russian Party of Regions, the Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc, propresidential Our Ukraine, the Socialists and the Communists. He recalled that President Viktor Yushchenko still had the option of dissolving parliament, but said the president "realizes that this would not solve the problem". "I can't imagine the situation whereby the declaration would not be signed. This would force the president to call a fresh election," he said. "This is not blackmail. This is the way things are." Rybachuk said Yushchenko had until 2 August to decide whether to back MPs' nomination of his arch rival Viktor Yanukovych as prime minister. Rybachuk rejected the assumption that Yushchenko called the round table to show the politicians' inability to reach any agreement and thus obtain more grounds to dissolve parliament. -30- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ [return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== Send in names and e-mail addresses for the AUR distribution list. ======================================================== 5. REGIONS PARTY DOES NOT ACCEPT 'OUR UKRAINE' BLOCS POSITIONS IN NATIONAL UNITY COALITION TALKS Ukrainian News Agency, Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday, July 30, 2006 KIEV - The Party of Regions says it doesn't accept positions expressed by the Our Ukraine Bloc during the talks on the National Unity Declaration draft and creation of the coalition. This follows from a statement by the presidium of the Regions Party's political council, a copy of which was made available to Ukrainian News. As the statement reads, during the talks, the Our Ukraine Bloc is trying to thrust its ideology on the possible wide coalition and govern the majority by blackmailing and threatening to dissolve the Verkhovna Rada. The Party of Regions says that it would not turn down its election program, calling such propositions as disgraceful. It is also calling on President Viktor Yuschenko to submit the candidature of Regions Party leader Viktor Yanukovych to the post of premier, which was proposed by the majority. Member of the Regions Party faction Yevhen Kushnariov said that representatives of the anti-crisis coalition cannot agree to three positions in the declaration draft proposed by the president: [1] on NATO, [2] the Russian language and [3] Common Economic Area. "If our position is taken into account, we are ready to continue talks and search for compromise solutions," Kushnariov said. As Ukrainian News earlier reported, on July 29, the presidential secretariat said that the working group had reached agreements on most provisions in the National Unity Declaration. The open meeting of the roundtable won't take place before Monday, July 31. July 29 through July 30, the Socialist Party and Party of Regions planned to hold meting of their political councils and discuss the National Unity Declaration drafted by the working group. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ [return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 6. UKRAINE'S PRO-RUSSIAN PARTY OF REGIONS REJECTS "BLACKMAIL, THREATS" DURING CRISIS TALKS One Plus One TV, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1630 gmt 29 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Saturday, July 29, 2006 KIEV - A key figure in the pro-Russian Party of Regions has accused propresidential Our Ukraine of not being flexible enough during crisis talks between President Viktor Yushchenko and the leaders of major political parties. In a live TV interview, MP Yevhen Kushnaryov said Our Ukraine was trying to impose its ideology on others and rejected what he described as blackmail and threats during the talks. He said Party of Regions leader Viktor Yanukovych does not want to become a prime minister at the price of sacrificing his party's principles. Kushnaryov also said that the main stumbling blocks during the talks were relations with NATO and Russia, and the status of the Russian language. The following is an excerpt from a report by Ukrainian One Plus One TV on 29 July, subheadings have been inserted editorially:: [Presenter] A strongly-worded statement by the Party of Regions' political council was posted on the party website an hour ago. It accuses Our Ukraine of trying to impose its ideology on the Party of Regions by threatening it with dissolving parliament. It also says that [Party of Regions leader] Viktor Yanukovych would not agree to become a prime minister at the price of compromises mentioned in the declaration [of national unity, which is discussed at the crisis talks called by President Yushchenko]. We can now ask our guest, deputy Party of Regions faction leader Yevhen Kushnaryov, about the party's position. Good evening, Mr Kushnaryov. [Kushnaryov, in Russian throughout] Good evening. [Presenter] The previous report in our programme said that the main reason why the [unity] agreement has not been signed is the fact that there is no guarantee that Viktor Yanukovych will become prime minister. Do you think this is true? [Kushnaryov] I am surprised by this kind of statement. To start with, I'd like to see them as nothing but a simple misunderstanding. Our party's position has been described in no uncertain terms in the statement by the political council presidium, which you have quoted. "BLACKMAIL AND THREATS" In a few words, indeed, we do not accept negotiations based on blackmail and threats. In essence, what we have been offered is - although there are 240 MPs in the coalition [in the 450-seat parliament] - to agree to Our Ukraine imposing its own ideology on us all and, in effect, running the majority if a grand coalition is set up. We have been asked to give up the basic stipulations of our election programme which was backed by over 8m of our compatriots. Therefore, we do not accept this tone and these conditions. I'd like to briefly quote from what our leader Viktor Yanukovych said at the political council meeting. They contain a full and clear answer to all these insinuations. Quote - [Presenter, interrupting] I'd like to ask you something, if I may - top representatives of your party said that a compromise has been found on all issues. This is what they said yesterday. If this is so, which compromises contained in the agreement are you not happy with? What are they about? [Kushnaryov] I'll answer your question after the quote. So, Viktor Yanukovych said: I do not want to become prime minister at the price of shame and of betraying our voters. I find it humiliating to hear this let alone to agree to this. To me, the premiership is not the goal but rather a means to an end. My goal is to unite Ukraine and to improve the life of every Ukrainian family and to make the world respect us. This is the essence of the Party of Regions' position. Now to the compromises. We have shown our ability to reach compromises during the two weeks of talks with Our Ukraine - talks which, by the way, they have repeatedly denied [were taking place]. We found compromise wordings of all the difficult issues. But on coming to the round table we were handed a completely different document. In it, the wording of these issues was tough and uncompromising, which is what split Ukraine a year-and-a-half ago [i.e. after the 2004 presidential election]. If we had signed this document, we would not know how to hide our eyes for shame. Naturally, we did not agree to this version. We have proposed a version of our own. We are ready to look for a compromise, but let me say this again: we do not accept blackmail or threats, because there is not legal basis to them. [Presenter] Mr Kushnaryov, thanks. But can you specify to our viewers what are these compromises about? STUMBLING BLOCKS [Kushnaryov] We are arguing over three things. [1] First, NATO - we are not against cooperating with NATO, but it is only the Ukrainian people who can resolve the accession issue, and it is through a referendum. But they are trying to force us to sign a formula for a NATO accession accord. [2] The Russian language. They are trying to impose a formula upon us whereby Russian will drag out an increasingly miserable existence in our country. We want the Ukrainian and Russian languages to have equal rights. [3] And lastly, we are being offered to go to Europe and forget that Russian exists at all. What we are proposing is that the document should mention a clear position on good-neighbourly relations with Russia and on continued talks about the Single Economic Space [alliance backed by Russia]. [Presenter] It appears as though no agreement has been reached after more than two days of round-table talks. [Kushnaryov] That's right. But if our position is taken into account, we are ready for more talks and to look for compromises. -30- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ [return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 7. PARTY OF REGIONS OFFICIAL TARAS CHORNOVIL SAYS PARTY IS READY TO UNITE WITH THE SOCIALIST AND COMMUNISTS IN CASE OF A NEW EARLY PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Sunday, July 30, 2006 KIEV - Member of the Regions Party faction in the Verkhovna Rada Taras Chornovil says the party is ready to set up an election bloc with the Socialist and Communist parties in case the president disbands the parliament and announces an early parliamentary election. Chornovil was speaking in an interview with the Fifth Channel. "We're ready to unite with our present coalition partners in a single bloc, but we understand that this may split the state even more. I would not like them to push us into that," he said. He also said that representatives of the Regions Party are planning to attend the roundtable meeting on July 31 if it is held. However, leaders of the party have doubts as to the fruitfulness of the talks. As Ukrainian News earlier reported, on July 29, the Party of Regions said it had not accepted positions expressed by the Our Ukraine Bloc during the talks on the National Unity Declaration draft and creation of the coalition. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ [return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== NOTE: Send in a letter-to-the-editor today. Let us hear from you. ======================================================== 8. UKRAINIAN PRIME MINISTER YURI YEKHANUROV SAID ROUND- TABLE TALKS 'COMPLICATED' NO COMPROMISE ON FOUR ISSUES Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian 0834 gmt 29 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Saturday, Jul 29, 2006 KIEV REGION - Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov has described the situation around the signing of a declaration of national unity [as a result of the round-table talks among the president and leaders of major political parties] as "complicated". "As of this minute, the situation is complicated," the prime minister told journalists in the village of Velyka Oleksandrivka (Kiev Region) today. Yekhanurov added that the participants in the round-table talks focused on four issues regarding which they have not reached a compromise yet - [1] the federalization and integrity of Ukraine, [2] the language issue, [3] Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic integration [4] and cooperation with the Single Economic Space [an economic alliance of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Ukraine]. The prime minister, however, remains optimistic about the possibility of reaching a compromise on these issues. [At 0859 gmt on 29 July, Interfax-Ukraine quoted the leader of the Socialist Party's parliamentary faction, Vasyl Tsushko, as saying that the signing of a declaration of national unity has been delayed because President Yushchenko could not guarantee that he would submit the candidacy of the Party of Regions leader, Viktor Yanukovych, to parliament for approval as prime minister. "Yushchenko does not trust Yanukovych today and Yanukovych under- standably does not trust Yushchenko," he said. "This is the name of the game."] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [ return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 9. LEADER OF PARTY OF REGIONS YANUKOVYCH MEETS WITH A TOP U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE OFFICIAL DAVID KRAMER Kramer also meets with Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1219 gmt 28 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Friday, Jul 28, 2006 KIEV - The leader of the Party of Regions, Viktor Yanukovych, has met the US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs, David Kramer, Yanukovych's personal website has said. Yanukovych and Kramer discussed the domestic political situation in Ukraine, ways of solving it and ways of reaching stability in society. Moreover, they discussed prospects for foreign investment in Ukraine, the development of economic relations between Ukraine, Europe and Russia and ways of deepening US-Ukraine relations. [UNIAN news agency also said in another report on 28 July at 1221 gmt that the US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, David Kramer, also met Ukrainian Foreign minister Borys Tarasyuk. Tarasyuk informed Kramer of the recent political developments in Ukraine, in particular, about the round-table discussion between representatives of major political forces and members of the public initiated by Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko. Tarasyuk also stressed that Ukraine's foreign policy aimed at European and Euro-Atlantic integration remains unchanged.] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [ return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 10. ALL-UKRAINIAN 'ROUND-TABLE' A POTEMKIN VILLAGE CREATED BY PRES YUSHCHENKO FOR U.S. AMBASSADOR Regnum, Moscow, Russia, Friday, July 28, 2006 "All-Ukrainian 'round table' is a unique and highly senseless measure. The sitting created an impression that main personages knew something, were close to reaching an agreement, not-so-actively participated in the event, and refrained from engaging in serious discussions. The whole event looked like a camouflage of agreements unknown to spectators," Kiev Political and Conflict Research Center Director Mikhail Pogrebinskiy stated to REGNUM correspondent, commenting on the national 'round table' with participation of Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko and parliamentary factions' leaders held July 27. "Timoshenko who evidently lost the event, worked for the audience,' the analyst continued. 'Her behavior was entirely inadequate; she tried to frighten Yushchenko without actually saying anything new, referring to some falsified polls." The president, according to Mikhail Pogrebinskiy, demonstrated a strong determination to join NATO. The event was a good and impressive show for the US ambassador to Ukraine: "President demonstrated that he had done the utmost in order to persuade even communists that all should agree with the plan concerning NATO membership." On the options of the situation development, the analyst commented: "The first option is that Our Ukraine will succeed in persuading the Regions Party to agree with the formulation concerning the plan on NATO membership. Then, Ukrainian Communist Party will not sign. It will possibly mean the faction's leaving parliamentary majority. Our Ukraine will replace it. The other option is a neutral wording of the issue will emerge, something about 'mutually beneficial cooperation with NATO and access to it based on referendum results.' Generally speaking, the second formulation does not in any way impede implementing the alliance accessing plan. In such a case, the CPU may stay in the coalition, part of Our Ukraine may join it in some format, and Yushchenko will try to position himself as the national unifier." -30- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- LINK: www.regnum.ru/english/680608.html ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== If you are receiving more than one copy of the AUR please contact us. ======================================================== 12. UKRAINIAN INTERIOR MINISTER LUTSENKO WILL NOT WORK IN A CABINET CHAIRED BY VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH I am against candidacy of Yanukovych, who will never unite Ukrainian society. INTERVIEW: With Ukrainian Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko By Ivan Leonov, Ukrayina Moloda, Kiev, in Ukrainian 28 Jul 06, p 4, 5 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Saturday, Jul 29, 2006 Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko has said that he will not work in the Cabinet chaired by Party of Regions leader Viktor Yanukovych. Speaking in an interview with a propresidential newspaper, Lutsenko said that Yanukovych cannot unite the nation. Lutsenko also said that he quit the Socialist Party of Ukraine in protest against the party's joining a coalition of the Party of Regions and the Communist Party of Ukraine, an act which Lutsenko called betrayal of the party's history. The following is an excerpt from the first part of Lutsenko's two-part interview with Ivan Leonov, published in the Ukrainian newspaper Ukrayina Moloda on 28 July under the title Yuriy Lutsenko: I am ruling out a violent scenario, subheadings have been inserted editorially: [Leonov] Mr Lutsenko, today's meeting of the president with top law-enforcement officials (the interview took place Wednesday [26 July] evening - Author) has already been dubbed by some Party of Regions MPs as Bankova's [street where presidential office is located] preparations for a violent scenario. What was the meeting really about? [Lutsenko] The meeting with the president was of working nature, we exchanged information about ensuring the rule of law and order in this country, with an emphasis on the duty of the police to protect the right to free and peaceful expression of opinions by citizens of all political views. NO USE OF FORCE AGAINST PROTESTORS [Leonov] There were no discussions of a violent scenario? [Lutsenko] It is possible that the state will need to be protected from unconstitutional actions of revenge-seekers. Certain members of parliament have taken the liberty to propose a vote on the candidacy of the prime minister without it being submitted by the president, which is a blatant violation of the Criminal Code, in particular Article 109: Actions aimed at forceful change or overthrowing the constitutional order or capture of state power. In addition, Part 3 of this article says the following: public calls for such actions using mass media. This means that even an act of announcing these intentions is a crime. Today the SBU [Security Service of Ukraine] issued an appropriate statement, calling on politicians and citizens to refrain from unconstitutional ways of forming government bodies. If someone attempts to storm or tries to limit in some way the jurisdiction of the president, we will enforce the law, but without unnecessary demonstration of power - peaceful protesters will not be limited in their rights. The police will stop those who break the law, while the Prosecutor-General Office and the SBU will assess these actions from a legal standpoint. Even though the law-enforcement bodies are seriously, even theoretically, evaluating the possible threat from extremists, I think it will not come to that. Like in the song, which, in my opinion, is close to the majority in parliament today - "Our armoured train is parked on the side track". [Leonov] What was the need for today's meeting with law-enforcement officials and governors? [Lutsenko] This was not an emergency meeting but a working one. Even though we, of course, discussed our cooperation in the event of worsening political situation. But this worsening is happening not because of people's wishes, but through politicians' attempts to gain revenge at any cost. This concerns politicians from various camps. Only two viewpoints exist for them - theirs and the wrong one. That is why they use arguments like public confrontation, some of them are already picturing tanks storming, bloodshed. In reality, none of this exists in society. I am constantly travelling to different regions, and I assure you that people are not jumping on the barricades for the interests of fat cats in parliament. The governors confirmed this. But this is a special period, when the authorities must coordinate their actions to preserve the rule of law and order in the country. Other topics discussed with the governors included smuggling, illegal migration, judicial system and so on. [Leonov] A possible dissolution of parliament by the president is being actively discussed in political and legal circles. Assuming it happens, but [parliamentary speaker Oleksandr] Moroz does not comply with this decision and MPs fail to leave parliament. Your actions? Are you going to kick them out, or on the contrary - not let them in? [Lutsenko] I cannot even imagine who may give such orders. If they want to assemble in some building, let them assemble. MPs have this right, because the dissolution of parliament does not mean that MPs lose their powers. But I suspect that most of them will immediately run back to their constituencies to prepare for a new election. [Passage omitted: Reiterates that police will not use force against peaceful protesters] [Leonov] What about [youth party] Pora, which has moved towards the Cabinet of Ministers building in order to prevent Yanukovych from taking the prime minister's seat in the event that he is appointed illegally? [Lutsenko] I am not trying to hide my sympathy for Pora, but I must say that despite my sympathy, last week we confiscated the chains, which they intended to use to chain themselves to the parliament building, and huge logs, which they apparently wanted to use to lock the entrances for MPs. We wanted to make sure that these tools are not used for some extremist purposes. I can recall how we were kicked out of the Independence Square during the Ukraine without Kuchma events [protests against President Kuchma in 2001] - we were told that the square was closed for repairs. These working methods of the authorities are in the past, because the Cabinet of Ministers is already been repaired (laughing). In reality, this is not so funny, because Pora can possibly be intuitively feeling the danger to the state and democracy, and acting, albeit somewhat childishly, but they are feeling where they need to be. With its actions in front of the cabinet building, Pora reacted to anti-state calls for possible usurpation of power, and showed that some people in Ukraine are prepared to defend the constitutional order without waiting for law-enforcement bodies to react. That is why I responded very calmly to this picket. [Leonov] You sympathize with Pora and deny rumours that you may head a new party called European Left. Some people are saying that you could be a good candidate to head the Our Ukraine [propresidential party], this would refresh the party and draw attention away from certain controversial individuals in its leadership, would boost its ratings. A recent opinion poll indicated that a good number of Ukrainians see you as a leader of some political force. How does Yuriy Lutsenko himself see his political future in the event of dismissal? [Lutsenko] As long as I am the minister, I am not preparing any back-up landing strips. At some point I decided not to run for parliament, trust me, this was a principled decision for me. I came here to clean up the police, to make it more effective. I have no other goals right now. On the other hand, I am an active politician, and I like the fact that the people are interested in my plans and seeing the possibility of my energy being used in some direction. But I must disappoint you - I am not making any political plans. [Passage omitted: repetition] WILL NOT WORK WITH YANUKOVYCH [Lutsenko] The only thing I can say is that I will not be involved in any political force, especially not the one that had discredited itself and is now serving the interests of oligarchs' money. The president has also asked me about my vision of the political situation, and I have informed him about my decision not to work in the cabinet if it is headed by Yanukovych. I stress that in this case the problem is not simply citizen Yanukovych, who has some managerial experience, but Yanukovych as the symbol of a political camp with the opposite views. It is unacceptable for me to endorse such a cabinet with my presence. Of course, weaklings can find a host of reasons: not to give up the seat to others or to prove that even in those conditions I can work. But I think that politics is not a game of who can fool the voters the most and who can scam their own partners for the sake of portfolios, but adhering to stable principles both in power and in opposition. It is disgusting to see politicians bargaining for comfy chairs and attempting to monopolize power instead of dividing it evenly , finding a balance and having a cabinet of national reconciliation. [Leonov] Are you also in favour of a grand coalition? [Lutsenko] I think Ukraine today needs a cabinet of national reconciliation. Because the people of Ukraine voted evenly for different political forces. To form a cabinet headed by a bright symbol of one of the sides will mean a victory for one side over the other. There will be no reconciliation, no constructivism. The cabinet of national reconciliation cannot be headed by someone who is afraid of meeting students in Ivano-Frankivsk or coal miners in Donetsk. That is why I am against the candidacy of Yanukovych, who will never unite Ukrainian society from the Carpathian Mountains to the Black Sea, and I do not wish to work in this cabinet of revenge against the principles that I live by. [Leonov] Judging by your words, you see a possibility of heading the Interior Ministry in a cabinet of reconciliation, or am I mistaken? [Lutsenko] Speaking of cooperation between parliament and the president, it is desirable to find a constructive candidate for the post of prime minister other than Yanukovych. Including, possibly, from the Party of Regions. If I receive an offer to work with another members of the Party of Regions as prime minister, then yes, I will work. But only in a cabinet of national compromise. If this unifying figure for the whole society is a member of the Party of Regions - good, if he is from Fatherland, Our Ukraine or the Socialist Party - not bad too. Of course, better yet would be a candidacy of an unaffiliated policeman, but this is...[ellipsis as published] (laughing sincerely) not foreseeable in the near future. [Leonov] Is this option being considered even by the Regionals? Have you received some propositions? [Lutsenko] I had a conversation with the most serious player in the Party of Regions on this issue, who was not against me staying as minister, but some officials in key regional police directorates will need to be changed. I said that this is unacceptable to me, and if I remain a member of the cabinet, I do not plan to subordinate the Interior Ministry's personnel policy to the interests of any faction in parliament. Similar attempts have been made before, when I was first appointed to this post, but everyone understood very quickly that appointments would be made only based on professionalism and honesty. Because this ministry is special, and it cannot be under any political or business influence. I consider de-politicization and de-commercialization of police the main goal of this part of my life, and I have spent much effort and health on this. It is impossible to put a price tag on this seat that would make me change my beliefs. This was my answer. So in reality all these talks...[ellipsis as published] I understand very clearly that it may be desirable to keep Lutsenko in this job to cover up some actions, which may be incompatible with the ideals of democracy and freedom that we fought for. But I will not cover up this policy, this is my right. [Leonov] Which player in the Party of Regions are you talking about? [Lutsenko] It does not matter who voiced this position, especially because earlier some MPs from the Party of Regions voiced it during talks with the leaders of the presidential secretariat. Mr Yushchenko also asked me about my attitude to this possibility, and I told him that I had publicly announced my decision, and that it was a matter of principle. A politician must be predictable. [Passage omitted: Reiterates that police must stay out of politics] [Leonov] What do you think about the new tape scandal in parliament? [MP Oleh] Lyashko of the Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc has said that he has recordings of phone conversations where MP Andriy Klyuyev boasts that the Regionals had bought your teacher Oleksandr Moroz and the Socialist MPs for 300m dollars. Taking into account that the Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc has turned to not only the Prosecutor-General's Office but also all other law-enforcement bodies, the president and the National Security and Defence Council, how will the Interior Ministry react to this and will it investigate the reports of bribery? I understand that this issue is painful to you...[ellipsis as published] [Lutsenko] It is painful because the Socialist Party has changed radically. But thank God, the request was sent not to the Interior Ministry but to the Prosecutor-General's Office and the SBU, this is their jurisdiction, and I am most of all interested in an objective investigation. The only problem is that the information on bribery was reported by Lyashko, and I consider him a journalist who does not mind spreading untruthful data. On the other hand, rumours of outrageous amounts of bribes in parliament today are becoming more and more persistent. Today we discussed with the head of the SBU, Mr [Ihor] Drizhchanyy, possible directions of investigations into not only this but many other reports. I will not announce our intentions, but in this case we are talking about a professional inquiry into possible financial rewards given to MPs for voting a certain way or taking a certain position. I mean not only the scandal surrounding the speaker, but other suspicions as well. In general, if the Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc has some evidence, it should be send to the SBU and the Prosecutor-General's Office. Because I am afraid that politicians may be again slinging mud at each other, and the people will stop reacting to these serious allegations. I am afraid that in an effort to sling more mud at the opponent, it will come down to a point where no-one can be trusted. This is serious, because then politicians will stop fearing public accountability. If someone cries Wolf! five times, in the end they will eat the whole herd, and no-one will react. One must cry only when the wolf has eaten and there is evidence that it was the wolf, not mice. QUIT PARTY IN PROTEST [Leonov] Has your request to quit the Socialist Party been reviewed, or are you still a member of the party? Moroz is saying that until a decision is made concerning your request, Lutsenko remains a Socialist. [Lutsenko] I am not a member of the Socialist Party, because I suspended my membership in accordance with the law when I became minister. Now I cannot keep the party ticket of the political force which betrayed its history. I would prefer not to say any names, because it is difficult...[ellipsis as published] to judge the actions of the Socialist Party leaders, the people whom I stood with shoulder-to-shoulder for 15 years, when the threats and temptations were much bigger, but we went through it all. [Passage omitted: repetition] [Leonov] Has it been long since you last spoke with Moroz? Are you aware of his motivation for the union with Yanukovych and [Communist leader Petro] Symonenko? [Lutsenko] A long time ago. This is a very difficult period for me, obviously, and that is why it is hard. We did not talk about his actions. You see, the motto of uniting Ukraine is obviously good. But it cannot be implemented by helping yesterdays take revenge. Maybe, in order to achieve complete unity, we need to bring back [former President Leonid] Kuchma and [former presidential administration chief Viktor] Medvedchuk? But Heorhiy Gongadze [murdered journalist] cannot be brought back, unfortunately...[ellipsis as published] When this anti-crisis coalition appeared, I went to Rivne Region for my brother's birthday. To be honest, I drank a lot of vodka, because it was very difficult psychologically. I do not want to compete at presenting images, the main assessment will be given by voters. Our paths with Moroz have split, but it does not mean that I will look for nasty labels for these people. In my request to quit the party, I listed the reasons, and on the bottom I added that I remain thankful for the victorious 15-year history of cooperation with the Socialist Party, all the way to the Orange Revolution. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 11. THE MANY CHOICES OF YUSHCHENKO COMMENTARY: by Tammy Lynch, Boston Ukrayinska Pravda, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, July 24, 2006 Tuesday marks the first day when Ukraine's President Viktor Yushchenko can legally dismiss the parliament for failing to produce a government. Such a move would trigger new parliamentary elections in a country that has already seen four rounds of elections (three presidential and one parliamentary) in less than two years. Since the creation of a majority coalition encompassing the Party of Regions, the Socialists and the Communists, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (BYUT) has been urging President Yushchenko to take just that step. In contrast, the coalition members, and the majority of Yushchenko's own Our Ukraine Bloc, are calling on the president to avoid new elections, with Our Ukraine either joining the government or forming an opposition. The elections, they say, would produce disaster for Our Ukraine and the President, since Our Ukraine's popularity has decreased in recent months. But is this absolutely certain? Or might they provide a way out? What are the arguments? What are the possibilities? President Viktor Yushchenko reportedly favors the idea that Our Ukraine will officially join a majority coalition with the Party of Regions in order to maintain control of a number of ministries. Current Prime Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov and Anatoliy Kinakh also support this option. It is not a simple option, however, which no doubt explains the President's hesitance. Yushchenko must be wondering just how much influence his ministers would have in a Yanukovych government, with a parliament dominated by the Party of Regions. Will they be ministers in name only? Even more, will they continue to support the will of the president as the center of power shifts in the country? Some individuals currently lobbying Yushchenko for places in the Yanukovych government have not always been loyal to the president's ideals and goals. For example, it is no secret that, during the acrimonious debates over WTO reform in 2005, Anatoliy Kinakh worked against a number of the measures introduced, suggesting they were harmful for Ukrainian business. On several measures, his faction voted against the then-government of Yulia Tymoshenko, as did a number of businessmen in Our Ukraine. What will they do now? Yushchenko must also think of the response of voters to any partnership with Yanukovych . But whether Our Ukraine officially remains in opposition or joins the coalition, the President must understand that both of these options will likely lead to the same outcome - Our Ukraine splits, leaving roughly half of the party in the opposition and half in the coalition. The "political wing" of the party, or those who would be classified "democrats" in the closest Western sense, is unlikely to agree to join the coalition. Meanwhile, the "business wing," which values close economic ties with both the Party of Regions and Russia, is unlikely to agree to remain in opposition. The inevitable result will be a split in the party, if not in the immediate short-term, than within several months. Therefore, no matter what choice he makes, Viktor Yushchenko will be faced with a drastically changed bloc (and party) under a Yanukovych government. The argument over the likely scenario of a new election reportedly is one of Yushchenko's greatest concerns. If polls are to be believed, Our Ukraine's support has disintegrated to under 10%, while BYUT's has remained stable or slightly increased and the Party of Regions has gained at least 5 points. These results could mean that the Party of Regions alone would control a majority of at least 226 deputies in parliament. However, it should be noted that polls leading up to March's 2006 election were, in general, very wrong on specific numbers, although they did express trends. The last polls before election-day suggested, for example, that Our Ukraine would win over 20%, that BYUT would win under 15% and that Yanukovych would win over 35%. One poll from a respected agency (KIIS), listed BYUT's support at 11%. The party received almost 23%. Nevertheless, there is no ignoring the fact that support for the Party of Regions has increased while support for Our Ukraine has decreased. But let us play devils advocate for a moment. Is it possible that a new election - even with decreased support for Our Ukraine - may not produce as disastrous a result for the "orange" parties as it would seem on the surface. Most importantly, the Party of Regions stands today on the verge of controlling a constitutional majority (301 deputies) in the parliament. Both the leaders of BYUT and Our Ukraine fear that the official confirmation of a Yanukovych government will produce massive defections from their ranks. The leadership of both parties privately suggests that up to 40 deputies from each faction could join the majority, thanks to various overlapping interests and incentives. These votes, plus the 186 from Regions, 29 from the Socialists and 21 from Communists, would put the new coalition well over the number needed for a constitutional majority. It would, in fact, be able to over-rule any presidential veto. If Our Ukraine officially joins the coalition, the numbers would be similar, also putting the decisions on presidential vetoes in the hands of the parliament. What would these Our Ukraine deputies do as members of the Party of Regions coalition, with the power centered in Yanukovych's hands? Could they withstand the various "incentives" provided? Are they as loyal as Yushchenko would like? Will they support the president's initiatives? This must be a concern. A new election is unlikely to provide Yanukovych with 300 deputies, particularly if the Socialists and Communists do not return, as is possible. In fact, while Regions likely would increase its plurality, the number of BYUT deputies may also increase. A constitutional majority may be averted in this way. Let us suppose, for example, that Yanukovych gains a majority of 230 deputies (they now have 186), BYUT gains 135 (129 today) and Our Ukraine gains 70 (down from 81) in a new election. It is likely that the number of BYUT defectors - those who will most likely vote where the money is located - will have been drastically reduced on a new list. It is also likely that Our Ukraine, in a worse case scenario, would remain split. Yanukovych could create a 270 deputy majority fairly easily. But, he would not have 300 votes, and a unified, ideological opposition would have been created. Ukraine would have achieved a real party structure in its parliament. The wildcards, of course, are the results of the Communist and Socialist Parties, as well as the Bloc of Natalia Vitrenko. Our Ukraine could also do far worse, and BYUT could do far better. In the best case scenario, BYUT would increase its number of deputies to 150, by winning 30% of the vote, thereby assuring the lack of a constitutional majority for Yanukovych. This is not probable, but also not impossible. It would take a real, organized political campaign, focusing on identifying and activating voters. It is unknown whether Tymoshenko can produce such a campaign, but such a result would clearly justify a new election. Obviously, there are numerous "ifs," and significant risks to a new election. The two most difficult to estimate are the effect on an increasingly tired and apathetic voting public, and the response of the Party of Regions and its supporters to the announcement of a new election. Will the Party of Regions understand that they could gain in parliament and accept the election, or will they question the legality of the choice, calling for court and street protests? Can a conflict be averted through discussion before an announcement is made? A new election, of course, also would increase the influence of Tymoshenko, possibly at the President's expense. The President no doubt understands this well. Yushchenko, then, must decide who he believes is more dangerous to him - Tymoshenko or Yanukovych. Who is more dangerous to his goals and ideals? Who is more dangerous to his legacy? To his international reputation? Yushchenko also has said that he must consider the unity of the country. But, while concerns about the risks of a new election are clear and valid, the claim that a Yanukovych -Our Ukraine government would unite the country is difficult to understand. The government in question would be led by representatives from Eastern Ukraine - many of whom were the subject of past criminal charges and many of whom worked actively against the orange revolution. It likely would include the least trusted and least charismatic members of Our Ukraine (the businessmen), and may have to endure criticism from Our Ukraine's most committed democratic reformers. Even more, it would leave out representatives from the Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko, which won 14 out of 27 regions in the country during the election. These regions include the entire central area and a good portion of the West. Our Ukraine's only regional victories came in the country's three most Western oblasts. In essence, geographically speaking, a Party of Regions-Our Ukraine government would unite the 10 Eastern and Southern regions of the country (won by the Party of Regions) with the three most Western regions, skipping everything in central and central-Western Ukraine. However, even this scenario is questionable, since all indications from the three Western regions suggest that voters there do not support a Party of Regions-Our Ukraine coalition. From Lviv, Our Ukraine's government ministers could be viewed as nothing more than tools of the Party of Regions. Therefore, in the end, the only real supporters of this "unifying" government may be voters in Eastern and Southern Ukraine. Clearly, there is no choice that provides Yushchenko with victory. The safe choice would be to unify part of Our Ukraine with Yanukovych and hope that he is unable to produce a constitutional majority. Or, if a constitutional majority is formed, to hope that its members from Our Ukraine remain loyal to the President and committed to the goals of European integration, free market, competitive economics and Western ideals. The risky choice is to call elections, either supporting a unified "democratic forces" list, or coordinating the efforts of BYUT and Our Ukraine. The results likely won't provide a majority for the democratic forces. They also will probably increase the influence of the Party of Regions in parliament. But the results may forestall a constitutional majority for Yanukovych , decrease the influence of money, more accurately represent the will of voters, and create an opposition that is unified and that truly can influence parliament. The choice, as always, belongs to the President. -30 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- LINK: http://www.pravda.com.ua/en/news/2006/7/25/5886.htm -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [ return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== Send in a letter-to-the-editor today. Let us hear from you. ======================================================== 13. YUSHCHENKO PREFERS AKHMETOV TO YANUKOVYCH ANALYSIS & COMMENTARY: By Viktor Chivokunya Ukrayinska Pravda, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wednesday, July 26, 2006 Our Ukraine has repeatedly refuted information on the negotiations with Party of Regions (PRU). Most probably, they will do it once again when signing agreement that will allow Our Ukraine members to work in Yanukovych's government. Political situation in Ukraine is still balancing between dissolution of the parliament and singing an agreement with anti-crisis coalition. The option of getting oppositional status for a pro-presidential party has become unattractive. Last week President Yushchenko made the right choice having chosen a new negotiating partner. Now, instead of Viktor Yanukovych, Rynat Akhmetov will reason with Yushchenko. Akhmetov was there on Friday, he came to the president on Monday. They say, he spent almost half a day with the president. Ukrainian billionaire spoiled family vocation - his beloved ones have been waiting for him in Monte Carlo for almost two months, but he has to breathe a hot capital smog instead of enjoying Cote d'-Azur. Akhmetov's meetings with the U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine show that he is solving the problem of his private legitimacy in the West as well as his position in Forbes. This makes Akhmetov a more flexible negotiating partner than Yanukovych. Something happens between Our Ukraine Block (NU) and PRU twice a day. They seclude in the well-conditioned rooms. Since it is forbidden to call such meetings 'negotiations' we can say they 'share viewpoints'. The meeting is attended by Petro Poroshenko (claims the First Vice-Minister in Yanukovych's government), Roman Zvarych (claims the Minister of Justice) and Oleksandr Tretyakov (claims the Head of President's Secretariat). Acting National Security and Defense Council Secretary Volodymyr Horbulin actively joined the negotiation process. Horbulin seems to go on working as an acting NSDC Secretary forever, since his age will not allow him to be fully and properly appointed. The only subject of negotiations is participation of Our Ukraine in the coalition with PRU. [1] Yushchenko's most desired option is to change Yanukovych's nomination for a more neutral personality. Besides, President's Secretariat received letters and appeals from central region communities to bring in the nomination of Arseniy Yatsenyuk. But Yanukovych does not accept any variants of retreat. It is the matter of principle for him and Akhmetov: "We've got the first place at the elections, the premier is ours." That's their logic: "You had to agree when we offered you premier's office and half of the government in exchange for Yanukovych's speakership. But Our Ukraine chose orange coalition." Yanukovych's stability in this matter seemed to make Yushchenko and Our Ukraine give up. [2] There is another condition for Our Ukraine to join the coalition - to alter Coalition Agreement even with the Communists if they consent to basic principles. Yushchenko's only goal is to keep influence in the country. It is all about spheres of influence for Yushchenko: security services, coalition regulations and action plan. According to some sources, Yanukovych even agreed to sign the government letter to Brussels stating Ukraine's readiness to join Membership Action Plan. Other sources claim Borys Tarasyuk accepts Yanukovych's nomination if "the vector of foreign remains unchanged." [3] The third condition set by Our Ukraine is the offices. "What an appetite! We will go on a diet!" said PRU MP about negotiations with Our Ukraine. There is a new word in political lexicon - 'compensator'. Our Ukraine wants to compensate the offices of premier and speaker (taken by anti-crisis coalition) with three minister's portfolios (the First Vice-Premier, Interior Minister and Minister of Justice). The rest of portfolios will be proportionally divided, as a result of which Our Ukraine gets another 5-6 minister's portfolios. The thing is that some president's 'dear friends' will not be pleased with the Ministry of Culture or Ministry of Family, Youth and Sport. They want an economic block which is logically to be controlled by Yanukovych. Early election is unwanted scenario for all the players: expenses for Akhmetov, all-national tour for Yanukovych and extremely high risk for Yushchenko. President's analytics admit low ratings of their chief. Probably they hope for unification of the 'orange' electorate and making up a 'black-and-white picture': either Maidan (Yushchenko-Tymoshenko) or Anti-Maidan (Yanukovych). Under such conditions they forecast the same result as received at the presidential elections 2004: 52% against 44% in favor for Yushchenko. "Our slogan will be: "Save Ukrainian sovereignty!" revealed official from Yushchenko's staff. Yanukovych's dependence from Moscow will become the anti-thesis. At the same time PRU has its own of Gallup Poll data: last week their rating reached 42% which will get them 226 votes in the parliament in case of the 'orange' failure. In such case Yushchenko is helpless - the parliament elected at early election can not be dissolved for a period of a year. Early election is not Yushchenko's bluff, his staff claims. Moreover, his recent meeting with Yanukovych, who proved to be absolutely uncomplying, made dissolution of the parliament look even more real. Recently Yushchenko got expert legal analysis from the Institute for State and Law which also serves for the Constitutional Court of Ukraine. Lawyers backed Yushchenko's logic which aroused Moroz's indignation. The Law Institute of the Verkhovna Rada came up with a completely different decision. Obviously no other legal establishment dared to do the job within such time limits. Now Moroz is in a very difficult situation when he can't have any influence on his own future career. No one negotiates with him. Moroz will not play on his own since a capitalist will never understand a socialist. The only thing Moroz can do is to vote for Yanukovych without Yushchenko's submission. Such variant is absolutely unacceptable for Akhmetov who needs to take care of his foreign business partners and the country's investment image. It is easier for him to live through another election. Besides, American consultants and spin doctors are sure to back him in this matter. Yushchenko might be interested in early elections to get his speaker in the parliament. Even if Yanukovych has an overall majority, it is the president who brings in premier's nomination for parliament's approval. And Yushchenko sets only one condition for that - he nominates HIS Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada. Friday afternoon was determined the best time to dissolve the parliament. It does not matter what Friday, this one or next. The thing is that there will be a 3-day break in the work of the Verkhovna Rada. Two days off and miserable vocations are the main demoralizing factors for a Ukrainian MP. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Translated by Eugene Ivantsov for UP LINK: http://www.pravda.com.ua/en/news/2006/7/27/5928.htm ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [ return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 14. "YURIY KRAVCHENKO - SUICIDE RULED OUT" Suicide verdict in death of former Ukrainian Interior Minister questioned "We do not trust our law-enforcement agencies and we are afraid of them. This situation suited the old administration and, clearly, suits the present one, too." ANALYSIS & COMMENTARY: By Oleksandra Prymachenko Zerkalo Nedeli, Kiev, Ukraine, in Russian 29 Jul 06, p 2 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sunday, Jul 30, 2006 Despite official findings to the contrary, former Interior Minister Yuriy Kravchenko was killed rather than committed suicide, an influential Ukrainian weekly has said. Kravchenko, who died of two gunshot wounds, lost consciousness after the first shot and would not have been able to inflict the second would himself, former Health Minister Mykola Polishchuk, who is also an expert in firearms injuries, told the paper in an interview. The weekly bitterly criticized the Ukrainian police and concluded that the current administration was interested in covering up the murder. Kravchenko, who had been accused of involvement in the murder of journalist Heorhiy Gongadze, was found dead in March 2005. The following is an excerpt from an article by Oleksandra Prymachenko, entitled "Yuriy Kravchenko - suicide ruled out", published in the Zerkalo Nedeli newspaper on 29 July; subheadings have been inserted editorially: [Newspaper introduction] "The penetrating gunshot wounds suffered by Yuriy Fedorovych Kravchenko were caused by his own hand," wrote a specialist who carried out the official examination of the body of Ukrainian Interior Minister Yuriy Kravchenko. Let us hope that this expert is still alive. Despite the doubts about suicide which have always existed and have been expressed on a number of occasions, including in Zerkalo Nedeli. Despite the fact that Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko voiced his own doubts on this score a long time ago. And even despite the fact that on the basis of the very same material evidence a recognized authority in firearms studies has reached a totally different conclusion. The official expert may still remember who it was that made his hand tremble as it wrote the lines quoted at the beginning. We asked Mykola Polishchuk to help "decipher" for the uninitiated the official conclusion of the expert who carried out the investigation to establish the cause of Kravchenko's death. The first book to be published in the former USSR about this type of injury - "Firearms injuries to the head" - was edited by V. Polishchuk [as published] and V. Storch. Mykola Polishchuk is the author of the part which refers to peacetime. A second paper written by Polishchuk was called "Firearms injuries to the central nervous system". This, among other things, examines bullet and shrapnel wounds. Furthermore, Mykola Polishchuk was for over 10 years a consultant at regional, municipal and then republican forensic examinations into skull and brain injuries and injuries to the central nervous system, including firearms injuries. This gentleman is better known to the general public as health minister. Acquainted with the documents provided by Zerkalo, including the expert's official findings, Mykola Polishchuk agreed to answer our questions and to provide his own conclusion. KRAVCHENKO PASSED OUT AFTER FIRST SHOT [Prymachenko] Mr Polishchuk, let's begin with the findings. You have studied the results of the external and internal examination of the body, the results of the laboratory examination and the expert's conclusions. What is your conclusion? [Polishchuk] Going by the nature of the injuries described in the documents, it is quite clear that this was a violent death and the injuries could not have been inflicted by the person's own hand. The possibility that this could have been suicide has to be ruled out. There were two firearms wounds on the body (the front surface of the neck and the right temple). The first was lethal and could have led to death through loss of blood without immediate medical attention. The first firearms wound was at close range from a weapon pressed against the body. The direction of the wound is uncharacteristic of a wound inflicted by the person himself, because it travels from bottom to top and from inside to outside. It is extremely difficult to believe that a person would be capable of injuring himself in this way - it would be too awkward. As a result of this firearms wound he sustained several fractures of the lower jaw, seven teeth were broken (traumatic amputation), a fracture of the upper jaw and nasal cartilages and damage to the tongue. Thus, he had to lose consciousness as a result of such a trauma. [Prymachenko] Do you admit there is a hypothetical possibility, albeit one in a thousand, that with such an injury a person could not lose consciousness? [Polishchuk] I don't think that is possible, however strong-willed he might be. After such an injury he could only have grown weak and feeble and he would have to have let a pistol fall from his hands. Nobody could have held a weapon in his hands after such an injury. He was sitting not in an armchair, in which he could have propped himself up on his elbows, but on a high chair. With his height (over 190 cm) and weight, it is also ruled out that after such a shot he would not have fallen from the chair. Unfortunately, the question of whether he could have lost consciousness was not put to the experts. The second injury - to the temple - was the fatal one. It was delivered at close range, but it left no contact imprint. That would have been characteristic of a suicide, and especially bearing in mind the previous injury, if he had shot himself he would have had to press the barrel against his temple. FIRST SHOT SHORTLY FOLLOWED BY SECOND [Prymachenko] In the official findings it says that the gap between the first and the second shot could have been from several seconds to a dozen or more minutes. What's your opinion? [Polishchuk] The period between the first and second injuries was very short - we are talking about seconds. It could not have been a dozen or more minutes, or even a few minutes. This is borne out by the lack of blood in the lungs, the bronchial tubes and the stomach. If a person had remained alive with such an injury, he would had to have taken several breaths. That means blood would have passed into the lungs, the gullet and the stomach. A person in such a condition would undoubtedly have swallowed mucus with blood, and perhaps fragments of tooth and bone. The internal examination shows clearly that this did not happen. [Prymachenko] The examination officially concludes that, after the first firearms wound Kravchenko could have made certain movements of his own. Do you agree with that? [Polishchuk] Unfortunately, the question was not raised before the forensic examination as to whether a person could have made not just independent, but precise deliberate actions after the first injury and within a certain period of time. I maintain that after the first injury he would not have recovered consciousness. I do not agree with the experts' claims that the first injury was a moderately severe one, because the number of extracted teeth alone shows that this was a serious injury. I maintain that a few seconds after the first injury this person was incapable of carrying out any deliberate precise actions. That is impossible. WHO COVERED UP THE TRUTH? [Prymachenko] According to Zerkalo's information, which Mr Polishchuk declined to comment on, the above information was brought to the attention of the heads of the law-enforcement bodies immediately following Kravchenko's death and after the external examination by the appropriate agencies. And subsequently we reminded the law-enforcement bodies about this a number of times. Which unseen hand concealed this crime at all stages of its investigation by the law-enforcement agencies? Why did the Orange authorities not make sure that it was properly investigated? Why does it lead us to think that there is no proper authority in our country or that it had something to fear in connection with Kravchenko's murder, although we have always been assured that the opposite was the case? Why have Kravchenko's family had to bear the cross of his "suicide" as well as the loss of a loved one? Why have they been forced to think that he left them of his own volition? They most probably have always believed that his martyrdom redeemed a lot. There are more questions now than there were on the day Kravchenko died. And the "suicide note" - a charge in which only one specific name has been mentioned - [former Ukrainian President Leonid] Kuchma - has quite a different ring about it. It cannot be ruled out for certain that those who gave the order to the murderers did not make any special effort to conceal the real reason for Kravchenko's death. What they did understand was that pinpointed intervention is required, but our so-called law-enforcement system has its own way of operating - automatically, by reflex action. After all, everyone knew who Kravchenko was, and the last thing anyone needed was a headache in the form of a "cold case". Nobody needed the truth, starting with external surveillance which was shadowing Kravchenko and at best neglected its duties, and ending with the top people at the Prosecutor-General's Office. And it is possible that in this whole disgraceful investigation the organizers of the murder put the screws only on the expert. And later everybody closed their eyes and, forgetting about professional honesty, lied, lied and lied again. The chronology of this lie is immense, like the list of those who turned over the pages of this case who could and should have said: this was not suicide. And yet this was obvious even to a non-professional examining the dead body. [Passage omitted: Only Yuriy Lutsenko doubted this was suicide] We do not know who killed Kravchenko or [murdered journalist Heorhiy] Gongadze, or what happened to Kyrpa [former transport minister who was found dead in December 2004] and we have been unable to get answers to these and many other questions. We do not trust our law-enforcement agencies and we are afraid of them. This situation suited the old administration and, clearly, suits the present one, too. And it is clear that each serious criminal case in the future will be investigated exclusively from the point of view of political expedience. The decision to close the Kravchenko case, which was investigated by the Prosecutor-General's Office, has now been revoked by it. The reason is Yuriy Lutsenko's statement that he has information that rejects the suicide version. Will not these "new circumstances" be the basis for a new investigation in the shape of a proper experts' examination? -30- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 15. CARTE BLANCHE FOR VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO ANALYSIS & COMMENTARY: By Viktor Chivokunya Ukrayinska Pravda website in Ukrainian, Kyiv, Ukraine, Mon, Jul 24, 2006 Tonight at 0:01 Yushchenko will get the chance to dissolve the parliament. Very few politicians will sleep well on this night. In fact, they may sleep like babies. At the first point, they will look pretty miserable on TV with livid rings under the eyes. At the second point, anyway the decision is expected in the morning since at this time our president is either watching Discovery Channel or dreaming of something nice but not issuing decrees. At the third point, Our Ukraine Block (NU) keeps negotiating with Party of Regions (PRU) on formation of an orange government chaired by.Viktor Yanukovych. This Tuesday morning Viktor Yushchenko meets leaders of parliamentary factions in his Secretariat. This meeting may be always called a 'consultation' which according to the Fundamental Law precedes calling early election. July 25 is the day half of Ukrainian politicians call the deadline or the date of parliament dissolution. The logic is quite simple: since Yekhanurov's government resigned on May 25 today is the 60th day Ukraine is living without new Cabinet of Ministers. Article 90 of the Fundamental Law is a true present for Tymoshenko: "The President is empowered to dissolve the Verkhovna Rada in case a new Cabinet of Ministers is not formed after the 60 days from the resignation of the previous government." However, humorist lawyers from Yanukovych's staff do not consider July 25 Time-X. They believe Yekhanurov's government did not resign but abdicated to the newly elected Verkhovna Rada. Ukraine has no Constitutional Court which can clear up the whole matter. PRU deputies from the previous Verkhovna Rada and personally Oleksandr Moroz dragged the procedure of adjuring judges of the Constitutional Court. Now the parliament rests on juridical hexogen since the amended Fundamental Law contains numerous holes for Yushchenko to squeeze in. In particular, the Fundamental Law implies no obligation for the president to bring in the nomination of the prime minister proposed by the coalition for parliament's approval. Moreover, he is granted 15 days to consider the nomination, i.e. the president may hesitate. Otherwise he would be deprived of such time-out. Well, if only Medvedchuk knew what heritage he left for Yushchenko when writing the Fundamental Law. Now Viktor Volodymyrovych can only sunbathe in Monte Carlo and try to interpret the Constitution of Ukraine explaining what exactly he meant by certain provisions and articles. But now Medvedchuk's viewpoint is absolutely insignificant. As known, Medvedchuk is prosperous in business but not too successful in politics. Now Yushchenko gets carte blanche to blackmail Yanukovych. If the latter does not accept the president's terms the former may dissolve the parliament. Here goes the scenario: Yushchenko waits till the end of a 15-day term (August 2nd or 3rd), takes his sit in front of a camera on the background of a library and the national flag. He records the following speech: "Dear fellow citizens, dear friends. As a guarantor of the Fundamental Law I will not risk to bring in the nomination of Viktor Yanukovych (whom I respect) for parliament's approval since half of Ukraine just curses at him. Only Constitutional Court has the jurisdiction to decide if I have the right not to submit premier's nomination. That's why I appeal to the Constitutional Court and call to form this body of legitimate power in the country." Months will pass till the court is completely formed. The decision of the Constitutional Court may be expected on the eve of Maidan anniversary. And that's the most optimistic forecast! Obviously, appeal to the Constitutional Court is the way to win the time and space to reform Our Ukraine, get Yuriy Lutsenko head the party list and face future parliamentary elections. Figuratively saying, the court will be a football player who is dragging a game while Yushchenko chooses an appropriate time for the final whistle to announce a new game. While the time works for Yushchenko, Tymoshenko will lose her electorate since Our Ukraine gets back its voters. That's why Tymoshenko stands for immediate dissolution of the parliament even if she has to run for the parliament under one list with Our Ukraine. Evidently, Oleksandr Moroz has nothing to lose. Early election is a political death for him. If Socialist Party runs for the parliament by itself they will never get into the Verkhovna Rada. If Socialists join PRU Moroz is sure to play the second fiddle. He can forget about speaker's office since Akhmetov has lots of young and ambitious friends who will learn Ukrainian language. Moroz has no other choice but to make Yanukovych the prime minister now. He is ready to vote for his nomination even without Yushchenko's submission. Yushchenko in his turn will not recognize Yanukovych a legitimate premier. But who said there wouldn't be 150 indefeasible MPs who would try to smash down the doors of the Cabinet of Ministers building and get Yanukovych in there? Another important factor is that Yushchenko has no influence in the Prosecutor General's Office. But those guys from Donetsk do have it. Yushchenko should be alarmed by Moroz's live performance on the National TV Channel: "Even if such decree were issued the Verkhovna Rada would never yield to such legal mayhem," Moroz started to use Khazbulatov's lexicon. So, historical spiral forms a ring now. There were three presidents in Ukraine in 2004: Kuchma in Koncha Zaspa, Yushchenko who had given an oath in a half-empty session hall and Yanukovych who had recorded his greeting broadcast appeal and who had received greetings from Moscow, Minsk and Tashkent. Now we might have three premiers: Yekhanurov as an acting PM, Yanukovych who was elected without Yushchenko's consent and.Tymoshenko as people's premier supported by Kyiv Maidan. However, this medal has its reverse. Yushchenko makes Party of Regions consent to his terms. According to sources of Ukrayinska Pravda, Yushchenko is ready to bring in Yanukovych's nomination in case Our Ukraine gets at least six offices: the First Vice-Prime Minister, Interior Minister, Minister of Justice, Minister of Industrial policy, Economics Minister, Finance Minister. "Having heard that, our delegation stood up, shook hands and went away. It is easier for us to get ready for early election and to bury 'the orange' forever!" said PRU representative. Another day of negotiations brought no results. However offering his ministers to Yanukovych, Yushchenko has to keep in mind that any minister may be sacked by a simple voting in the parliament. Our Ukraine desperately needs to have influence on Yanukovych without forming a coalition since Yushchenko can blackmail PRU threatening them with leaving the coalition which will result in its collapse. That's why PRU needs a cooperation agreement with Our Ukraine. .Meanwhile 5 buses with a special police squad Berkut were noticed at President's Secretariat. Kyiv police has reassured it is not Yushchenko's guards but reserve subunits to prevent fights and disorder near the Verkhovna Rada. -30- --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Translated by Eugene Ivantsov for UP. LINK: http://www.pravda.com.ua/en/news/2006/7/25/5890.htm ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [ return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 16. RUSSIANS REFUSE TO RAISE UKRAINIAN FLAGS ON SHIPS DURING RUSSIAN NAVY DAY CELEBRATIONS IN CRIMEA Ukrainian TV critical of Russian Navy Day festivities in Crimea One Plus One TV, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1730 gmt 30 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sunday, Jul 30, 2006 A private Ukrainian TV channel has broadcast a critical report about Russian Navy Day celebrations in Crimea. The Russians rejected Kiev's demands to raise Ukrainian flags on ships taking part in the festivities, the TV said. It added that this was the first time that Ukrainian sailors had not been invited to attend the event. The TV also showed deputy Russian Duma speaker Sergey Baburin saying that Russian troops should be "the masters" in Crimea. The following is the text of a report by Ukrainian One Plus One TV on 30 July: [Presenter] For the first time over the past eight years, the Russian Black Sea Fleet stationed in Ukraine's Sevastopol has not invited Ukrainian sailors to take part in the Navy Day celebrations. The holiday itself was marred by the crash of a jet taking part in the [Russian] Baltic Fleet parade. Two pilots were killed. However, some Russian guests did not like restrictions on flights in Crimea. [Correspondent] A traditional parade is the only event that remained unchanged on Russian Navy Day. However, this was the first time it was celebrated without Ukrainian sailors. They were not invited. The Russians also rejected a demand to raise Ukrainian flags on their ships. [Serhiy Kunitsyn, head of the Sevastopol city administration, in Russian] The Bora ship of the Russian Black Sea Fleet hoisted the Ukrainian flag. I think this is normal. One should not see politics here and be indignant about this. This shows respectful relations between the two countries. [Correspondent] However, Russian Black Sea Fleet commanders agreed to the Ukrainian authorities' demand to cancel missile launches during a water sports show. The aviation participation was limited for safety purposes as well. [Vladimir Masorin, Russian navy commander] Missiles and bombs were once launched from this bay, but we do not do this any more. And probably this is right. Because there are so many people here and the holiday should first of all be safe and nice. [Correspondent] Visiting politicians were more outspoken. They do not lose hopes to be masters in some of Ukraine's territory. [Sergey Baburin, deputy speaker of the Russian Duma] I am upset with restrictions that are taking an increasing toll on the parade. The ban on missile launches, the limited use of aviation during the parade as well as other demands by Ukraine certainly make me upset. My wish is modest: the Russian troops should be the masters here. [Correspondent] The same day, the head of the Sevastopol city administration dismissed rumours that it was the last time that the Russian navy celebrates its day in Sevastopol. The Russians will celebrate it until their term of deployment in Crimea expires. [Video shows people watching ships and a submarine on the parade, sailors shooting an old canon placed onboard, amphibious personnel carriers leaving the ships, parachuting tricks in the sky, sailors aligning on a ship's deck.] -30- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 17. MILITARY SERVICE FOR GRADUATES OF HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS IN UKRAINE NOT REQUIRED AFTER 2010 UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1439 gmt 28 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Friday, Jul 28, 2006 KIEV - Graduates of higher education institutions in Ukraine will not have to do their military service after 2010, Ukrainian Defence Minister Anatoliy Hrytsenko has told a meeting with rectors of institutions of higher education. The meeting took place at the Ministry of Defence. The Ukrainian Minister of Science and Education, Stanislav Nikolayenko, also took part in the meeting. [Currently a number of state-owned civil institutions of higher education in Ukraine provide military training to their male students, after which the graduates obtain the rank of junior officers in reserve and do not have to join the army. Those who do not undergo military training during their course are obliged to join the army after graduation.] The press service of the Ukrainian Defence Ministry has said that the state programme for development of armed forces in Ukraine for 2006-2011 initially included a provision for a significant reduction of the number of military training departments in institutions of higher education, including those which train officers in reserve. [Passage omitted: students in Ukraine were very upset about this provision of the programme.] The Ministry of Science and Education reached an agreement with the Ministry of Defence about the gradual reduction of military training departments at civil institutions of higher education. Another decision was taken by the government to start this reduction in 2008, while earlier it was planned for 2006. [Passage omitted: Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine adopted a decree to reduce the number of military training departments at civil institutions of higher education on 25 July 2006.] -30- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [ return to index] Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== You are welcome to send us names for the AUR distribution list. ======================================================== 18. POLISH PRESIDENT APPOINTS POLISH-UKRAINIAN COMMITTEE Sister committee to be appointed on the Ukrainian side Source: PAP news agency, Warsaw, in Polish 2120 gmt 28 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Friday, July 28, 2006 WARSAW - President Lech Kaczynski on Friday [28 July] appointed a Polish-Ukrainian Presidential Committee. A sister committee is also to be created on the Ukrainian side. "Such a committee has sense, because it can counteract 'storms'," feels member of the main council of the Union of Ukrainians in Poland [ZUwP], Miron Sycz. As has been stated on the presidential website, the appointment of the new body is "an expression of the weight that Lech Kaczynski attaches to the development of Polish-Ukrainian political and economic relations". The head of L. Kaczynski's staff, Elzbieta Jakubiak, has become the committee's chairwoman, while a deputy head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Pawel Kowal, has become its deputy head. The composition of the newly-appointed body also includes: two deputy ministers of internal affairs and administration, Wladyslaw Stasiak and Pawel Soloch, an undersecretary of state at the Presidential Chancellery, Andrzej Krawczyk, and the deputy ambassador of the Republic of Poland in Washington, Boguslaw Winid. As the presidential press services have written, in accordance with an agreement at the Polish and Ukrainian presidential level a sister Presidential Committee is also to be appointed on the Ukrainian side. Its composition is also to include experts on Polish-Ukrainian relations and ministry representatives. In the view of member of the main council of the Union of Ukrainians in Poland [ZUwP] Miron Sycz, Poland and Ukraine are mutually "strategic countries". "Let us put it bluntly: a 'storm' in one country or the other means a serious destabilization in the whole of Europe. Such a committee has sense, because it can counteract such 'storms'," Sycz stressed in an interview for PAP. In his view, although the appointed committee will serve both Poland and Ukraine in equal degree, at the moment it is nonetheless "needed more by Ukraine". -30- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [ return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 19. COUNCIL OF EUROPE OFFICIAL URGES MOLDOVA TO IMPROVE RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA He described the situation in Ukraine as not the most favourable Infotag news agency, Chisinau, in Russian 0935 gmt 28 Jul 06 BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Friday, Jul 28, 2006 CHISINAU - It is very important for Moldova to improve its relations with the Russian Federation, without which it is impossible to solve many serious problems in this region of Europe, the chairman of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), Rene van der Linden, told a news conference in Chisinau on Thursday [27 July] evening. Rene van der Linden said that Moldova and Europe should work with Russia, which is also part of Europe and a member of the Council of Europe and it should meet its commitments. "The reform process is taking place in Moldova much easier than in Russia because of historic, political and geographical reasons. However, building good relations with Russia is in Moldova's and Europe's interests," the PACE chairman said. He described the situation in Ukraine as not the most favourable, but mentioned Moldova's good relations with this neighbour. Rene van der Linden also said that the PACE has asked the parliamentary committee for appointments and immunity to prepare a report on the case of former Moldovan Defence Minister Valeriu Pasat who is now in prison. Valeriu Pasat has been sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment for selling MiG-29 fighters to the USA in 1997. -30- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [ return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 20. UKRAINE: RELATIONS WITH THE WEST ON 'PAUSE' INTERVIEW: With Prof. Robert Legvold Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) Prague, Czech Republic, Friday, July 28, 2006 PRAGUE - For four months, Ukraine has been in the grips of a political deadlock. Robert Legvold, a professor of political science at New York's Columbia University, says that recent constitutional changes granting new powers to the Verkhovna Rada have created a situation where lawmakers are fighting over power, not policy. RFE/RL: It's been four months since parliamentary elections in Ukraine. How would you describe the political climate there, given the protracted struggle to form a government? Robert Legvold: I think Ukraine has now moved into a very difficult period, because in many ways the underlying trends that had been there for some time -- notwithstanding the November-December Orange Revolution in 2004 -- have now really settled in and created a kind of paralysis or political stasis within the system that I think is likely to be there for some time. I don't see an easy way out. RFE/RL: To what degree are the current difficulties a result of the new constitutional shift in power away from the presidency toward the parliament? "This struggle to get a government already proves the difficulty that any government that would be formed will have in actually conducting a national political and economic agenda." Legvold: The new arrangements, by weakening the presidency and empowering both the Rada and the prime minister's slot, virtually guaranteed that with an election as close as the March election, that there would be this incredible struggle among the different political groups, particularly since the results of the elections were not decisive and it created the grounds for the struggle. RFE/RL: Why have the various political factions been unable until now to form a government? Is this a clash of personalities, or a battle over more substantive policy issues? Legvold: That struggle was more intense because the stakes in the political contest are essentially only over power and influence within institutions and they're not fundamental conflicts over policy. And in any political system that's well-functioning, normally you want political differences and political contests to be about political alternatives, policy alternatives, and that's not what's happening in Ukraine. RFE/RL: Ahead of the elections, many were anticipating the possibility of a partnership between Yushchenko's Our Ukraine and Yanukovych's Party of Regions. It seemed like a compromise that Yushchenko could accept -- but only as long as Yanukovych was not made prime minister. Four months later, does Yushchenko still have the political clout he needs to say no to Yanukovych? Legvold: I think his ability to say no and stick by it is very considerably weakened. It doesn't mean he won't attempt to do it. When I first thought about what might happen coming out of the election, one of the possibilities did seem to me to be an alliance between the Yushchenko group and the Party of Regions. But we got to it in a very cluttered fashion, not the least because of this imponderable that emerged at a critical stage -- that is, the Socialists' and [party head Oleksandr] Moroz's decision to defect from the other coalition. And that's what caused all of this to unravel, and pushed Yushchenko into what was certainly something he didn't want, which was to take seriously a cooperation with the Party of Regions. RFE/RL: So what now? Will Ukraine get a working government? Legvold: I think the future is not terribly promising in terms of clear and progressive, coherently pursued policy. This struggle to get a government already proves the difficulty that any government that would be formed will have in actually conducting a national political and economic agenda. We have seen now for some years inefficiency in policymaking because of the makeup of the Rada and the changing nature of the government even before Yushchenko came to power in 2004. So I think that situation that we've associated with Ukraine is likely to remain or even get worse in the near term. But it need not produce a crisis. RFE/RL: Will a new parliament dominated by the Party of Regions mean a complete shift toward Russia, and away from the pro-Western policy that Yushchenko has made the keystone of his presidency? An anti-NATO, pro-Russia demonstration in Crimea last month (RFE/RL)Legvold: I don't think that Ukraine is going to engage in political donnybrook at the top level over the question of, say, Ukraine's entry into NATO, or alternatively on the other side, enormous cleavages over the question of the relationship to be built with the Russians, or even over domestic policy. That, however, doesn't add up to an efficient agenda -- that adds up to an agenda that I would describe as lowest common denominator. RFE/RL: After the Orange Revolution, support for Yushchenko and Ukraine wasvery high in the West. How much has this protracted crisis hurt Ukraine in terms of Western goodwill? Legvold: It has not lost international goodwill, but it leaves Brussels and Washington in a quandary, because it appears that any straightforward progress on Ukraine's part that would qualify them for either the EU or the next steps on NATO are under a cloud at the moment. I think what it does is put a kind of pause in Ukraine's relationship with the West, raising question marks about Ukraine. But I don't think it changes their basic attitude, hopes for Ukraine -- including hopes that it can make movement toward integration with the West. RFE/RL: What about Russia? Moscow is sure to welcome a Yanukovych-led parliament. Does this mean a situation where Russia eases its pressure on Ukraine? Legvold: With the Russians, it may have actually eased the situation, because I think the Russians have stopped worrying about the so-called colored revolution. I think it'll therefore ease the question of Ukraine as an issue in Russia's relations with the West. And I think given this makeup -- this stalemate in politics -- it also means that the lowest common denominator on the question of Russia and Ukraine is going to favor a civil relationship with Russia, but not one where the Ukrainians roll over, because even Yanukovych and his people are not about to concede everything to Gazprom on a gas deal. -30- ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2006/07/fb14de87-5d75-4e4c-8d48-46ba42242e6a.html ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [ return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== Please contact us if you no longer wish to receive the AUR ======================================================== 21. MUSEUM OF COMMUNISM IN PRAGUE Action Ukraine Report (AUR) #741, Article 21 Washington, D.C., Monday, July 31, 2006 PRAGUE - The Museum of Communism is the first museum in Prague (since the Velvet Revolution) exclusively devoted to a system established in the sphere of the former Soviet Union. The Museum of Communism will allow for the display and interpretation of objects and historic documents. It stands as an authoritative historical narrative relating to this 20th century phenomenon and is in no way intended by the organisers as a filter for contemporary political issues in the Czech Republic. The original items and meticulous installations containing authentic artefacts will be displayed in the three main rooms, while the adjacent projection room will provide a space for regular film screenings, educational activities, occasional lectures and temporary displays pertaining to the subject of the permanent exhibition. Highlights from the displays include rare items from the Museum's own comprehensive archive as well as material obtained by the organisers from major collections, both public and private. To read a series of news articles about the museum click on: http://www.muzeumkomunismu.cz/eng_articles.html Museum of Communism, Legacy s.r.o., Na prikope 10 110 00 Prague 1, The Czech Republictel.: +420 224 21 29 66 email: muzeum@muzeumkomunismu.cz LINK: http://www.muzeumkomunismu.cz/ ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ [ return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 22. JACQUES HNIZDOVSKY AT UKRAINIAN MUSEUM NYC Acclaimed Ukrainian painter and printmaker (1915-1985) ArtDaily.com, USA, Sunday, July 23, 2006 NEW YORK CITY.- The Ukrainian Museum presents the exhibit 'Jacques Hnizdovsky...In Color and in Black & White' through September 27. The works of critically acclaimed painter and printmaker Jacques Hnizdovsky (1915-1985) will be on view at The Ukrainian Museum in New York City from June 11 to August 27, 2006. Titled 'Jacques Hnizdovsky...In Color and in Black & White,' the exhibition showcases a body of work by the artist spanning a nearly fifty-year career that had its origins in Ukraine and culminated in the United States. The canvases and prints in the exhibition range from the early works produced prior to Hnizdovsky's arrival in the U.S., such as Displaced Persons (oil, 1948), to multiple examples of the superb woodcuts - the genre in which he was the most prolific. Included among the latter are the cherished rams, sheep, and depictions of still-life objects that often show traces of Hnizdovsky's subtle sense of humor. This show provides a rare glimpse into Hnizdovsky's mid-career, with a sampling of infrequently and never-before-exhibited works. The pieces are emblematic of a period that was most trying for the artist, both financially and spiritually, but that was also among his most creative ones. In Crucifixion (oil, 1955), traces of vivid red contrasting with the dark backdrop convey a sense of anguish and foreboding. Bondage (oil, 1961) echoes the somber mood, while the shadow in Darkness (oil, 1961) is juxtaposed against a ray of light, perhaps the portent of a brighter future. The colors and style in these early canvases reflect the influence of artists such as Albrecht Durer, Pieter Bruegel the Elder, and El Greco and hint at the artist's roots in his native Borshchiv region of Ukraine, where traditional embroidery is characterized by deep, rich reds and burgundies framed in a lush, velvety black Supplementing the collection of paintings and prints is a charming display of original Hnizdovsky ex libris designs, terra-cotta works, and books illustrated by the artist that include, among others, the poetry of John Keats and Stanley Kunitz. A slideshow of photographs provided by the artist's family traces his life from boyhood in Ukraine, to displacement in Western Europe, and ultimate settlement in the United States. Jacques Hnizdovsky...In Color and in Black & White celebrates the life and work of this remarkable artist who found fame in the United States but remained deeply attached to the land of his birth. It also marks his recent symbolic "homecoming," which not coincidentally took place on the 90th anniversary of the artist's birth and 20th anniversary of his death. In 2005, Hnizdovsky's remains were transferred to a cemetery in Lviv, Ukraine, where many prominent figures in Ukrainian cultural and political history have been laid to rest. The significance of this event was captured in the words of the [previous] U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine, John E. Herbst: "Jacques Hnizdovsky returns to his homeland leaving behind him in the United States a rich cultural legacy... . Now citizens of his beloved Ukraine will have an opportunity to appreciate his direct and sometimes amusing images, which often draw upon the life of his native land. Hnizdovsky follows in the tradition of so many immigrants to America who have fused the artistic traditions of their homelands with the energy of the New World to weave a tapestry that enriches all our lives and brings our countries together." A number of recent shows in New York City drew attention to the evolvement of mature artists' work through numerous stages in their careers. This exhibition takes a similar perspective by surveying Hnizdovsky's evolution into an artist in his prime. -30- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- http://www.artdaily.com/section/news/index.asp?int_sec=2&int_new=16699 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ [return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 23. POLEMICS: MYKOLA RIABCHUK REPLY TO MS TARANEC LETTER-TO-THE-EDITOR: By Mykola Riabchuk Action Ukraine Report (AUR) #741, Article 23 Washington, D.C., Monday, July 31, 2006 RE: LETTER-TO-THE-EDITOR: By Natalie Taranec, Australia Subject: Comment regarding M Ryabchuk response Action Ukraine Report (AUR) #728, Article 24 Washington, D.C., Monday, July 10, 206 RE: COLD WAR & BLIND ANTI-AMERICANISM Joseph Stalin would have greatly appreciated your piece on Cold War II LETTER-TO-THE-EDITOR: By Mykola Ryabchuk Addressed to Dr. Abbas Bakhtiar, Norway Action Ukraine Report (AUR) #724, Article 20 Washington, D.C., Wednesday, July 5, 2006 Dear Ms Taranec, I should have probably to answer you earlier but, alas, I haven't had access to AURs for a few weeks, while being on holidays. You are right, my letter in the AUR #724 looks rather odd (even for me). I feel, there are two reasons for this. First, my emotional letter to Dr Bakhtiar was not intended for publication – I just cc-ed it to Mr Williams for his records (it was certainly my fault because I did not indicate that the letter was not for publication); and second, there were two very important attachments to my letter which were not mentioned in the AUR. I attached highly relevant articles by Timothy Garton Ash and Ann Applebaum – as a substitute for my own arguments in discussion with Dr Bakhtiar. Hence my phrase "I have little to add." Besides these technicalities yet, I feel no regret for defining Dr Bakhtiar's activity with notorious Stalin's words. If freedom of speech means a right to write quasi-academic stupidities, it means also a right to call idiots idiots. Even though, if I wrote it for publication, I would have certainly used more politically correct term like "intellectual irresponsibility" or something of the sort. Earlier this year, Dr Lucan Way quipped that the term "stupidity" is acceptable in intellectual disputes since it merely designates a wide gap between the opportunity and its actual realization ("orange" politics is a good example). By the same token, I would say that the term "idiotism is acceptable since it merely designates the gap between the intention and the result. In these terms, I feel idiotic myself since my spontaneous letter brought rather unexpected results. Sorry for this. With best wishes, Mykola Riabchuk (ryabchuk@iatp.kiev.ua) PS - In this case I would ask Mr Williams to publicize my humble response to Ms Taranec in the AUR. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 24. WORLD FORUM OF UKRAINIANS TO FOCUS ON UNITED NATIONS RECOGNITION OF 1932-1933 FAMINE IN UKRAINE AS GENOCIDE AGAINST UKRAINIAN PEOPLE UNIAN, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, July 17, 2006 KYIV - The 6th World Forum of Ukrainians among other matters will focus on UN recognition of the 1932 - 1933 famine in Ukraine as a genocide act against the Ukrainian people, the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry's press service told Ukrinform. International condemnation of the crime against Ukrainians must become a part of restoration of historical justice towards the Ukrainian nation, who suffered cruel discrimination and repression, political scientists believe. The 1932 - 1933 famine in Ukraine was a tragedy of humanity of the 20th century. The great famine in Ukraine, which 75th anniversary will be marked in 2007 and 2008, was killing 17 people every minute. Considering the issue of recognition of the famine as a genocide against the Ukrainians was blocked at a session of CIS Council of Foreign Ministers in April. Moldova, Azerbaijan and Georgia voted for including the matter into agenda, while Armenia, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan abstained and Russia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan voted against. The 6th World Forum of Ukrainians, which is to become one of main events timed to the 15th anniversary of Ukraine's independence, will be underway in Kyiv between August 18 and 20. It will be attended by 500 delegates and 1,230 guests, including almost 40 researchers of the famine from 14 countries, particularly, from the USA, Canada, Switzerland, France, Japan, Austria, Hungary, Italy, Georgia, Poland and Lithuania. -30- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ [ return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== 25. UKRAINE 3000 CHARITABLE FOUNDATION LAUNCHES WEBSITE Action Ukraine Report (AUR) #741, Article 25 Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, July 31, 2006 KYIV - The Ukraine 3000 International Charitable Foundation has launched a renewed official website: http://www.ukraine3000.org.ua/eng.html . Information on the website is available in Ukrainian, Russian and English. . The website contains information about the Foundation and its programs, projects and activities, as well as articles, documents, concept papers, news and photo archives. The purpose of the website is to inform the public about the activities of the Ukraine 3000 International Charitable Foundation. The Ukraine 3000 International Charitable Foundation Statement by Kateryna Yushchenko The Ukraine 3000 International Foundation is a non-governmental charitable organization founded in 2001. Creating this Foundation, we sought to make it as useful for Ukraine as possible. We tried to figure out our society's most urgent needs in the vortex of modern life. Our conclusion was that people indispensably need to believe in certain prospects for the country, for their families, and for themselves, no matter how they picture these prospects. One needs to be certain that the period of instability and problems will come to an end, if one believes in the future with all one's heart and puts much effort into building it up. This is precisely our goal: help Ukraine to build up her own future, become herself, and fulfill her global mission. The Foundation's mission has been formulated based on this goal: promote the search for the best trajectory of development for the Ukrainian society and explain it to the Ukrainians. Personal participation by everyone, joint actions, work for the common good are the principles laying the basis for the Foundation's activity. Our major aspiration is to disseminate these ideas, make them dominate in the society, and unite as many adherents of these ideas as possible. Every representative of the Ukrainian people has to understand that s/he is in the highlight, s/he is the main character, and much depends on her/his contribution. Our views are shared by tens of thousands of people and hundreds of organizations. They have succeeded themselves and are prepared to help their country. We are deeply grateful to all working with us and supporting us. Our joint action is very important, because due to it Ukraine is getting better every day. We invite everyone sharing our goals and principles to support our Foundation. Together we can do more! God bless Ukraine! Kateryna Yushchenko, Head of the Supervisory Board ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Contact: Maryna Antonova, presa@kateryna.org.ua. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [ return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service] ======================================================== If you are receiving more than one copy of the AUR please contact us. Please contact us if you no longer wish to receive the AUR. You are welcome to send us names for the AUR distribution list. 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Monday, July 31, 2006
AUR#741 Jul 31 Declaration Of National Unity, Four Areas Unresolved; St Dept's David Kramer In Kyiv: Interior Minister's Death Not Suicide;
